The roots of Manipur’s history trace back to the early 12th century when the Kangleipak State emerged under the rule of King Loiyumba. This not only served as a momentous landmark but also led to the creation of Manipur’s first written constitution. This also signalled that Manipur adopted to a structured governance system as early as the 12th century. Coupled with that distinction, Manipur also vaunts a rich and diverse history that is centuries old. From ancient kingdoms to modern struggles for identity, the history of Manipur is a captivating journey through time. This state of Manipur has indeed played a pivotal role in the geo-dynamics of India’s north-eastern region, be it in the Second World War during the Battles of Imphal and Kohima or in the integration of Tawang, through the efforts of the legendry hero of Manipur, Major Bob Khating. The State’s contribution in national sports has been enormous and needs no elaboration.
Deteriorating Situation
Unfortunately, and sadly too, the prevalent crisis in Manipur has cast scars on the psyche of not only the Manipur Society but on the minds of the entire nation. For more than a year now, the violence, brutality, dislodgement, and turbulence have engulfed the region, leaving the citizens to wonder why a solution remains elusive. For months and months, the violence has ravaged Manipur, and yet the governments at the Centre and the State, have failed to restore peace or protect the citizens residing in Manipur. It has become a grim reality that life in Manipur is no longer safe, and the public as well as private property is destroyed with impunity, without any exception. Manipur, a state of 3.2 million people, has effectively been carved into two enclaves: the Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley and the Kuki-controlled hill districts. Both regions have been ethnically cleansed of the rival group, with no prospect of return for those displaced.
Every segment of the society, be it the elders, the youth, the women or even the children, have been gripped in a state of constant fear, trepidation, anxiety, and uncertainty. This perception, that both the Indian and Manipur governments are reluctant or incapable of resolving the crisis, has taken roots in the minds of the people and they rightfully raise serious concerns about the competence of the governments at the Centre and the State.
At the heart of Manipur’s crises lies the muddled labyrinth of ethnicity, politicisation of societal differences and the geo-strategic dimensions of trans-border security dynamics along the international borders. Though it is a known fact that the differences between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities stems from long-standing tensions over land-ownership, political-representation, and ethnic-identity, but the nation is oblivious of the fact that despite these differences these two communities have stayed together in Manipur for decades and centuries with utmost bonhomie, affability, and geniality. There had been misunderstandings and clashes between Meiteis, Nagas, Panghals etc but rarely did anyone hear of any clashes between Meiteis and Kukis. Ironically, with the mishandling and mismanagement of the current ‘fiasco’ by the governments, the message has now got conveyed to the nation that the Meiteis and Kukis harbour animosity and hatred since ages – a perception that certainly is not true. To further stoke the fire of this ‘misconception’ the media has played an utterly negative role through biased, distorted, and selective coverage of the facts on the ground. The reality is that the differences that exist are something that can amicably be resolved. Otherwise, the ever-surging levels of violence duly aided by technology and Artificial Intelligence will not only scorch the whole of Manipur but will engulf the entire North Eastern Region (NER).
The lesions, lacerations and wounds of Manipur therefore need an immediate healing touch, a mollification that comforts all the affected communities. It certainly warrants a well-considered and amicably carved out political approach and a full-fledged involvement of all segments of the civil society. To do so, it is imperative that both, the Central government, and the State government, delve deep into the complexities of the current problem in Manipur without losing sight of the geo-strategic significance of this State which has unfortunately been lost sight of because of the myopic understanding of the current problem as a mere ethnic violence between two communities.
The nation ought to understand that Manipur is pivotal to India’s Act East Policy. The success of this initiative hinges on comprehensive development and growth of the state and that too in an environment of amity, peace, and harmony. This region also acts as a fulcrum to foster friendship with our Eastern neighbours and provide the nation, a fulcrum for projecting and promoting our Soft Power. The Trilateral Highway project linking India, Myanmar, and Thailand starts from Moreh in Manipur and ends at Mae Sot in Thailand. Therefore, stability of the region is crucial for India’s foreign policy as well. With China’s growing power and influence in the conflict-ridden Myanmar, the current instability in Manipur will certainly benefit China. The ongoing Manipur conflict has also tarnished India’s global image, with organizations and like Human Rights Watch, the European Union, the United Nations, and Genocide Watch. Countries like the United States have also expressed serious concerns on the human rights issue.
Besides the above issues, care must be taken to ensure that the illegal timber trade and narcotics are not allowed to subvert the economy of the region. Similarly, the border dynamics of a porous Indo-Myanmar border and its impact on National Security have to be understood so that these voids are not exploited by the inimical forces and non-state actors to fuel the ongoing rift and animosity in the state.
Path to Resolution
Now if we talk about the basic reason for the delay in resolving the current crisis it would emerge that the absence of a rational and coherent strategy to tackle the root causes of the Manipur imbroglio seems to be the major contributor for this issue. Instead of focusing on a vibrant, reliable, and consistent approach, the government appears to focus more on managing the symptoms rather than addressing the larger issues that irk both the warring factions i.e. Meiteis and Kukis. The speculations by both governments that the ethnic dynamics precludes them to act decisively without risking alienating one group or another, seems void of any justifiable reasoning. On the contrary, it denotes lack of understanding to look for an amicable solution. The governments must understand that the collapse of law and order in Manipur has deprived the citizens of their basic rights. The right to free speech, for example, is severely curtailed in an environment where dissent or criticism of the state’s handling of the crisis is met with proverbial ‘intimidation.’ In the absence of constitutional safeguards, citizens are left vulnerable to violence, with no recourse to justice or protection. As the ongoing crisis unfolds, one of the grimmest concerns is the deprivation of the basic rights guaranteed under the Constitution of India; either through prolonged and heavy deployment of security forces or through frequent internet bans. Each of these actions not only ‘incapacitate’ a common man but also impacts on the economy of the region as well as every household.
There are numerous reasons that are seemingly contributing to delays in resolving the Manipur crisis. However, some of these which merits immediate cognizance, includes decentralisation of decision making, de-hyphenating politics from the ethnic conundrum, taking note of external involvement, illegal funding and arming of misguided youth and above all, enhancing government’s acquiescence and amenability to various segments of civil society.
The “Way Forward” therefore necessitates that government acts post haste and demonstrates their will to resolve Manipur crisis and ‘yank’ the state back into the mainstream lest it spirals into a hydra headed problem that manifests into terrorism and spreads its fangs into the neighbouring states. Some of the recommendations that merit governments’ attention are as follows:
Manipur’s unpretentious and open-minded civil society, cutting across ethnic divides, must be encouraged to arrest social polarisation. It is the civil society and its eminent personalities from diverse segments of society who should be leading the efforts at peace-making and reconciliation.
The parleys, debates, and discussions at finding amicable solutions should include eminent Manipur personalities like former Judges, Chief Secretaries, Directors General of Security Forces, Defence Veterans, academicians etc. The Youth should mandatorily be included in all such discussions since they are the ones whose future is at stake and they represent the views of the younger generation.
Visit(s) by the Prime Minister, Cabinet Ministers to Manipur will not only assuage the feelings and sentiments of Manipur but will also signal government’s seriousness at resolving the issue. Frequent interactive parleys between these ministers and civil society members will certainly expedite the efforts at surfing for solutions.
Disarming the civil society is something that cannot be delayed any more. Political interference in the functioning of civil police should be avoided so that they have the freedom of action to book the defaulters even if they have political backings of various political outfits in the region. We need to acknowledge that we as a nation have a highly competent and capable police force which has proved its mettle on numerous occasions. The likes of former DGPs of Punjab like Shri JF Ribeiro and Shri KPS Gill wiped out terrorism from Punjab only when they were given free hand to fruitfully deploy and employ their police force. Similar police leadership exists in Manipur as well and they can deliver provided there is no political pressure on these leaders.
Media needs to be made accountable. There is no dispute that our media is responsible, but unfortunately, they seem to have got more influenced by the dynamics of economics and an unhealthy competition which somehow goads them to compromise truthful reporting and depend more and more on sensationalism.
State government and Local authorities should ensure uninterrupted and adequate humanitarian aid to affected communities and ensure access to the internet at all times.
Deployment and functioning of Indian Army and Assam Rifles has more to do with the strategic requirements and fall into the domain of operational readiness. It is therefore desired that frequent ‘mis-reporting’ by media about the Indian Army and Assam Rifles should be avoided. In any case the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) does review all such operational activities every week and can even call for an emergency meeting should the situation so warrant. Therefore, media’s exuberance at becoming ‘defence experts’ purely for the ‘one-upmanship’ cult needs to be avoided.
Another worrisome dimension is the involvement of external forces and non-state actors. Manipur’s proximity to Myanmar has made it vulnerable to cross-border militancy and insurgency. The involvement of foreign powers makes it difficult for the government to resolve the crisis without addressing broader security concerns. The government’s decision at suspending the Free Movement Regime (FMR) agreement along the Indo Myanmar border is seemingly a right decision at this stage.
A three-member Commission of Inquiry formed last year to investigate violence in Manipur has been now given time till November 20, 2024 by the Centre. The Commission of Inquiry, headed by a former Chief Justice of High Court, was set up on June 3, 2023. The panel was mandated to inquire into the causes of spread of violence and riots which took place in Manipur since May 3, 2023. The commission was supposed to submit its report to the central government “as soon as possible but not later than six months from the date of its first sitting.” According to the fresh notification: “The Commission shall submit its report to the central government as soon as possible but not later than the 20th November 2024.” It is evident that the report which should have been submitted by November-December 2023, will hopefully be submitted by November 2024 i.e. an exact one year’s delay. Such delays are obvious pointers to the seriousness being accorded to such a sensitive issue.
Present Status and Way Forward
As Manipur began to slip from the nation’s consciousness, the month of September served up a brutal reminder of just how fragile the situation in Manipur is. Fresh violence broke out between the two communities wherein numerous lives were lost. In the days that followed, fresh clashes between ethnic factions engulfed areas like Jiribam and Bishnupur, leaving at least seven dead. The arsenal of violence has escalated dangerously, with miscreants allegedly deploying weaponised drones and rocket-propelled grenades, marking a scary and disturbing phase in the conflict. Time has come, when the government must take immediate steps to address the concerns of the Manipuris. Government needs to rebuild the trust by ensuring that victims and their families receive prompt redressals. Those guilty need to be booked while those whose voices are heard amongst the masses need to be taken on-board to convince the warring factions to put an end to the ethnic strife and dissensions. Manipur needs rapt attention by the centre as well as the state governments and any delays hereinafter will only be at the cost of national interests. The Manipur situation has reached a “flashpoint,” and the centre is hardly left with an option other than resolute and transparent action towards finding an amicable solution to the Manipur crisis.
Manipur has historically had periods of ethnic tensions followed by periods of peace. The ethnic issues did not only relate to ethnicity between the residents of the hills and the valley, but also the economic disparity between the two. The valley being flat ground and axiomatically more conducive to industry and agriculture, compared to the hills with poor communications with thick jungles, not so conducive to prosperity. However, it would be incorrect to say that there has always been tensions between the hills and the valley. The Naga-Kuki clashes (both hill tribes), have been the bloodiest in the recent past. 31 years ago, the Nagas killed 115 Kukis in Joupi village on 13 September 1993. The Kukis and Paites (again hill tribes) also clashed in 1997. These clashes did happen but they were resolved and peace prevailed. In fact, the Meiteis and Kukis have generally co-existed peacefully. Churachandpur, is a case in point where the Kukis and Meiteis ran shops, side by side. Today, the Meiteis from Churachandpur are staying in refugee camps. This time there has been a complete breakdown of trust, and both parties have blood on their hands. Therefore, the State Government must take the first step forward, showing purpose, fairness, and transparency without any biases. A Police and Security Forces Grid needs to be re-established to ensure that there is no violence. Narratives of the Security Forces specially the Assam Rifles taking sides, are false and need to be corrected. The Assam Rifles has always risen to the occasion in ensuring and sustaining peace in the region for almost two centuries now. Their cadre consists of locals from all communities. Their role in establishing peace will be vital.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Lieutenant General Sukhdeep Sangwan, PVSM, AVSM, SM** superannuated in May 2021 as the Director General of Assam Rifles.
The General has authored a book titled “Integrated Force Projection by India” and was associated with another one on “Comprehensive National Power.” He has also published a collection of his poems titled “Random Thoughts.”
He contributes articles in various journals and newspapers, and is a Visiting Professor to Indian Institutes of Management (IIM) and Lal Bahadur Shastri Institute of Management, New Delhi. He also delivers talks at various prestigious institutions.
