Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent state visit to Mauritius (11-12 March 2025) underlined the depth and significance of this bilateral relationship in the emerging geopolitical contours of the Indian Ocean Region. It not only reaffirmed the existing warmth between the two countries, but went further in consolidating this relationship through a series of initiatives aimed at institutionalising its strategic dimension. The visit also coincided with Prime Minister Modi attending the country’s national day celebrations as the Chief Guest.
Historic Ties
Indians first landed in Mauritius in 1729 when it was ruled by the French. Another half a million or so followed in the 19th century as indentured workers sent by Great Britain. Of these, about two-thirds settled down permanently in the country. Presently, their descendants constitute about 70% of the country’s population of 1.2 million, most of whom still retain a strong ethnic streak, and are very favourably inclined towards the land of their ancestors. Interestingly, Mauritius observes 2nd November as its ‘Aapravasi Diwas’, to commemorate the arrival of the first batch of 36 Indians on this date in 1834, onboard the ship ‘Atlas’. Further its National Day, celebrated on 12 March is in homage to Mahatma Gandhi’s commencement of the famous Dandi Salt march on this date in 1930, which indicated India’s steely resolve to become an independent nation.
Mauritius was one of the first few important nations with whom India established diplomatic relations in 1948. India was also amongst the first to recognise Mauritian independence in 1968. In the five and a half decades since, this relationship has grown and matured in a spirit of mutual trust and friendship. In fact, this relationship extends far beyond a shared heritage and deep historical bonds. With security underpinning almost every activity in the maritime domain, India’s engagement with Mauritius is an integral part of India’s overall maritime strategy.
Maritime Security
In the emerging geopolitical dynamics of the region, the importance of the Indian Ocean is set to increase exponentially. As the pre-eminent power in the Indian Ocean, India is more or less responsible for ensuring the security of the ‘Indo’ of a ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP), as most of the other important powers in the region be it China, the US, Japan, South Korea or the ASEAN countries, are located in the Pacific. India has firmly established its credentials as a preferred security partner and first responder in any crisis in the region, whether natural or man-made. However, ensuring the safety and the security of this vast maritime space against the multitude of traditional, non-traditional and transnational threats is beyond the capacity of any one country. Hence India’s strategy to develop a robust and resilient maritime security architecture in the Indian Ocean is through inclusive, collaborative and cooperative capacity building and is the genesis of its SAGAR policy.
SAGAR and MAHASAGAR
It was no coincidence that during his previous visit to Mauritius in 2015, Prime Minister Modi had articulated his vision of SAGAR, an acronym for ‘Security and Growth for All in the Region’. It underlined the fact that India’s regional capacity building efforts will be inclusive and collaborative and will not be restricted by a narrow definition of security, but will also include growth and development. Nowhere is this more evident than in Mauritius, where India has not only helped Mauritius to establish its police and Coast Guard, and its capacity to protect its own waters, but has developed medical, educational, and industrial infrastructure to empower the local population of Mauritius in shaping their own destiny. Some of the projects successfully completed with Indian support include the India-Mauritius Metro Express Project, New Supreme Court Building, New ENT Hospital, 956 Social Housing Units, and Educational Tablets. Significant ongoing infrastructure projects such as a Renal Transplant Unit, Forensic Science Laboratory, National Archives and Library and Civil Service College, as well as the High Impact Community Development Projects spread across Mauritius are progressing satisfactorily. Both leaders reiterated their commitment to cooperate across multiple sectors including public transportation, replacement of a 100 km water pipeline, a new Parliament building, and redevelopment of the Ganga Talao Spiritual Sanctuary. Nation building through Human Resource development and capacity building, Space and climate change infrastructure, health and education initiatives, economic and trade Cooperation through the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation and Partnership Agreement (CECPA) concluded on 22 February 2021, and digital infrastructure have been identified as priority areas.
During his present visit, the Prime Minister articulated his MAHASAGAR vision, which is an acronym for ‘Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions’. MAHASAGAR, which is the Hindi word for ‘ocean’ reflects the enlarged scope for regional engagement over SAGAR, which is the Hindi word for ‘sea’. This enlarged scope of cooperation and capacity building is also evidenced in India’s foreign policy outreach in recent years, its focus on multilateralism through formal and informal regional groupings aimed at enhancing regional security and development, and its increasing presence in the entire Indo-Pacific. Mauritius, with its strategic location in the south-western quadrant of the Indian Ocean is an important constituent of this security architecture to address not only the security challenges within the region, but also external threats to regional peace and security from countries like China which is rapidly expanding its footprint westward in the Indian Ocean.
The China Factor
China’s Maritime Silk Road, its presence in various strategically located ports spread across the Indian Ocean, its aggressive defence diplomacy through export of military hardware and its spectacular naval expansion will ensure a formidable maritime presence in the Indian Ocean within a decade from now. China’s global maritime ambitions are constrained by its unfavourable maritime geography. While this does not restrain Chinese muscle-flexing against Taiwan or in the South China Sea, it restricts China’s ability to project maritime power west of its Second Island Chain. If China is to realise its ambition of superseding the US as the next global superpower, it is the Indian Ocean that will provide it the sea space to project its power and maritime muscle, and more importantly, give it access to the Atlantic. Hence the approaching Great Power contestation is likely to play out in the Indian Ocean where India cannot afford to concede its pre-eminent position. China’s actions and maritime development in the Indian Ocean clearly indicate its intention to reorient the existing rules-based order at sea into one with ‘Chinese characteristics’. If the South China Sea is any indication, the global commons, as the high seas are called, will be more about Chinese hegemony than any global good.
India’s strategic maritime space is being constantly challenged by China. Its large economic infrastructure projects and its defence diplomacy have given it leverage in India’s immediate neighbourhood, including Myanmar, Bangladesh and Pakistan. It has attempted to wean Sri Lanka and Maldives away from India with limited success. It has a presence in Seychelles, which enables it to monitor the Mozambique Channel, and has dug its fangs deep in Africa. Amongst all these, it is Mauritius which has stood steadfast with India. This deep engagement with Mauritius is therefore a strategic imperative not only for India but also for the entire Indian Ocean Region.
The Indian Ocean is unique in two respects; firstly, it connects the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans. With the shift in the global geopolitical and geoeconomic centre of gravity to the Indo-Pacific, and the region resident to over 60% of the global population, and generating about 65% of the global GDP, more than 50% 0f global trade transits through the Indian ocean on more than 100000 ships annually. Any disruption to their movement can have serious repercussions on the global economy. Hence the importance of a safe maritime environment.
The second defining feature of the Indian Ocean is the presence of strategically located choke points on either side of it. Ensuring that these are not jeopardised by any inimical intentions is also very important. From both these perspectives, it is very important to develop a robust maritime domain awareness capability across the entire region. Mauritius, with its strategic location is ideally positioned for this.
Defence and Maritime Security Cooperation
The defence and maritime security cooperation between the two countries underpins the strategic contours of this relationship. Both countries reiterated their commitment to safeguarding the region’s strategic interests and to counter various maritime security challenges. India has supported Mauritian efforts to bolster its security capacity and capability through the transfer of defence equipment, frequent port visits, training its personnel, protecting its vast Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), enhancing its Search and Rescue (SAR)capability, supporting its coastal security efforts, conducting joint surveillance, amongst others. Other capacity building efforts have included hydrographic survey and information sharing support.
Mauritius does not have a standing army. It has the Mauritius Police Force (MPF), which also includes the Coast Guard, and which is responsible for most matters in the maritime domain. Most of the assets in the Coast Guard have been provided by India, and the country continues to support and maintain them.
From a strategic and maritime security perspective, India’s commitment to improve the connectivity of Agalega islands, which are a dependency under Mauritian control, and are located 1050 kms north of the main island is important. Comprising two islands, the airstrip built by India in the northern island has been a boon to the island’s 350 odd inhabitants as connectivity to the capital provides them with medical, development humanitarian assistance. There have been reports stating that India has established a military base at Agalega, but there is no official confirmation to this effect. However, the expanded length of the airstrip and an aircraft staging facility on the island will greatly enhance the regional air surveillance capacity and capability, not only for the security of the Mauritian EEZ, but also from a strategic maritime domain awareness perspective as well as it will enable closer surveillance of the South-west Indian Ocean and the Mozambique Channel.
India is essentially a maritime nation. As Prime Minister Modi had remarked during his previous visit to Mauritius in 2015, ‘To me, the blue chakra or wheel in India’s national flag represents the potential of the “blue revolution”, or the “ocean economy”. 90% of India’s trade and over 80% of its energy travels over the sea. Its peninsular configuration with its southern tip jutting almost 1000 miles into the sea, and its pivotal location in the Indian Ocean is, both a strength and a vulnerability. Its strength lies in giving India a vantage and pivotal location in the Indian Ocean, while its vulnerability lies in the country’s dependence on the sea for its trade and energy. Any disruption to this can have grave repercussions on India.
Conclusion
India and Mauritius are two important constituents of the regional maritime security calculus. The deep-rooted ties and convergence of interests between them make them ideal partners in addressing maritime concerns in the Indian Ocean. India considers Mauritius an important and valuable partner in its maritime security construct across the Indian Ocean Region, and actively supports capacity and capability enhancement across a multitude of sectors in that country.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Commodore Anil Jai Singh is a naval veteran and served in the Indian Navy for over three decades as a specialist submariner. He is presently the Senior Vice President of a leading European MNC in India. He is also the Vice President of the Indian Maritime Foundation an Honorary Adjunct Fellow of the National Maritime Foundation and on the Governing Body of the Society for Indian Ocean Studies.
