The Agreement
On 31 October 2025, India and the United States formalised a landmark ten-year Defence Framework aimed at significantly deepening and expanding military cooperation, marking a new era in bilateral strategic ties and possible thawing of relations.
The Agreement was signed on the sidelines of 12th ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting – Plus meeting in Kuala Lumpur between US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth and Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh.
Hegseth said on X that the pact will enhance “coordination, information sharing and tech cooperation” while advancing “regional stability and deterrence.” Singh called it “a signal of our growing strategic convergence” and said the deal would “herald a new decade of partnership,” cementing defence as a core pillar of India-US relations.
The Significance
The agreement signals stable ties between the two countries in the defence sector as it comes at a critical juncture as both countries navigate tense trade relations including the issue of India’s purchase of Russian oil. Earlier this year, President Donald Trump had imposed 50 percent tariffs on Indian goods, including a 25 percent penalty linked to India’s purchases of Russian oil and arms, creating strain in bilateral ties. The agreement includes plans for joint production in India of American defence equipment, such as Javelin anti-tank missiles and Stryker armoured personnel carriers. The defence pact also aims to enhance military cooperation, improve intelligence sharing, facilitate technology sharing, and strategic coordination, while strengthening both countries’ presence and influence in the region.
It is expected to provide policy guidance across the full spectrum of India-US defence engagement, including interoperability, joint exercises, and defence research collaboration. Pramit Pal Chaudhuri of the Eurasia Group Think Tank said it “provides for further potential in all three areas,” allowing both militaries to operate more seamlessly together and signalling a deeper alignment on regional security.
In February this year, following a meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Trump, the two sides had announced plans for the new ten-year defence framework. A joint statement after that meeting stated: “Highlighting the deepening convergence of US-India strategic interests, the leaders reaffirmed their unwavering commitment to a dynamic defence partnership spanning multiple domains. To advance defence ties further, the leaders announced plans to sign this year a new 10-year Framework for the US-India Major Defence Partnership in the 21st Century.”
As per reports the Agreement was due to be signed in July/August but was delayed due to the friction in relations because of the trade sanctions and the claim of President Trump regarding the ceasefire between India and Pakistan during Operation Sindoor.
Historical Context
The Framework Agreement is an extension of an Agreement that has been functional for over twenty years and owes its roots to the 1995 Agreed Minutes on Defence Relationship.
A major step next was the adoption of General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) signed in 2002 which facilitated sharing of military intelligence between two countries.
The Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) is a partnership forum between India and the US, was launched in 2012 to strengthen bilateral defence cooperation, reduce bureaucratic obstacles, and promote co-development and co-production of defence equipment. The goal was to move beyond a “buyer-seller” dynamic, towards a more collaborative model for developing new defence technologies.
The vision for bilateral defence cooperation was encapsulated in the September 2013 Joint US-India Declaration on Defence Cooperation and the 2015 Framework for the US-India Defence Relationship, in which both countries committed themselves to increasing cooperation in the defence sector.
Between 2016 and 2020, both countries signed four more agreements, including the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) in 2016, the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) in 2018, and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) in 2020.
During his visit to India in March 2021 the US Secretary of Defence, General Lloyd James Austin III (Retd) had said, “India in particular is an increasingly important partner among today’s rapidly shifting international dynamics. I reaffirm our commitment to a comprehensive and forward-looking defence partnership with India as a central pillar to our approach to the region.”
In August 2024, both countries signed a Security of Supply Arrangement (SOSA) and Memorandum of Agreement regarding the Assignment of Liaison Officers, among other bilateral military agreements that have enhanced defence and security cooperation.
Defence has long been a key pillar of India-U S relations. During Prime Minister Modi’s visit to the US in February, President Trump pledged billions in military equipment sales, including F-35 stealth aircraft.
In April, both countries participated in Exercise Tiger Triumph and in September this year, Indian and American troops participated in a two-week military exercise Yudh Abhyas at Fort Wainwright in Alaska.
Earlier, the US submarine support ship USS Frank Cable visited Chennai on a scheduled port visit which was the Military Sealift Command’s second to the region in two years.
Negotiations are also underway regarding the manufacture of GE F-414 jet engines in India for the LCA Tejas Mk2 fighters, and to procure 31 MQ-9B High-Altitude Long-Endurance (HALE) UAVs. Deliveries of the GE-F404 engines for the LCA Tejas Mk1A are presently underway.
Importance of Defence Ties
The 2025 framework is intended to provide a unified vision and a comprehensive policy direction to deepen defence cooperation as it will usher in a new era in the already strong defence partnership between the two countries and marks a new chapter in further transforming it over the next ten years.
Defence ties intersect with broader trade negotiations, as both countries aim to finalise a long-delayed trade deal by November. India has hinted at increasing energy and defence purchases from the US, potentially easing tensions over tariffs and sanctions while reinforcing strategic alignment.
It is evident that despite the strain in relations over the issue of tariffs, there has been no visible dip in military ties between the two nations. India and the US continue to expand and deepen their defence relationship through military-to-military exercises and activities, information sharing, collaboration with like-minded regional and global partners, defence industrial, science and technology cooperation and defence coordination mechanisms.
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh said on X: “It is a signal of our growing strategic convergence and will herald a new decade of partnership. Defence will remain as a major pillar of our bilateral relations. Our partnership is critical for ensuring a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific region.”
US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth said on X: “This advances our defence partnership, a cornerstone for regional stability and deterrence.”
Strategic or Symbolic: A Counter View
The Delhi declaration at the G20 Summit in 2023, stated that in line with the UN Charter all states must refrain from the threat, or use of force to seek territorial acquisition against the territorial integrity and sovereignty or political independence of any nation state. “Today’s era must not be of war.”
However, it was easier said than done. The era following the summit turned out to be one of war, and more war. To believe that there will be no war, is a disastrous fallacy. How many conflicts are we currently witnessing? The only way that you can avoid war, is to prepare for it, and that is what India needs to do. Our military resolve has been demonstrated during Uri, Balakot, Doklam, Galwan and Op Sindoor. However, our resolve needs to be backed by a strong deterrence of our Armed Forces in terms of their capabilities, training, doctrines, equipment, technology, manufacturing, and military cooperation with other nations. Such a deterrence will always be far cheaper than the cost of war.
In line with this thought, the Indo-US Agreement is a step in the right direction and a welcome one. This time it is America who must prove their sincerity of purpose. Not long ago promises were made, and the relationship was blossoming. On the Sidelines of G-20 India and USA jointly announced, the commencement of negotiations for a commercial agreement between GE Aerospace and HAL to manufacture GE F-414 jet engines in India. Both countries recommitted to advancing India’s emergence as a hub for the maintenance and repair of forward-deployed US Navy assets and other aircraft and vessels. During their bilateral meet, Prime Minister Modi and President Biden re-affirmed their commitment to deepen and diversify the India-US Defence Partnership. President Biden welcomed the order of 31 General Atomics MQ-9B (16 Sky Guardian and 15 Sea Guardian) from USA.
However, where do we stand today? How many of the GE F-414 engines have been received or how many of the 31 MQ-9B drones promised to India by the US have been delivered yet? Deliveries have fallen short of commitment. The one encouragement is that, Larsen & Toubro (L&T) and General Atomics have announced a partnership to manufacture MQ-series drones in India, including technology transfer and local component production. This suggests that future deliveries may increasingly involve Made-in-India units rather than imports.
India has traditionally relied on Russian weapons, its defence imports from Moscow have gradually declined as it seeks to diversify suppliers and expand domestic production under Atmanirbhar Bharat. To draw a contrast, the Russian Ambassador to India, Denis Alipov had announced two years ago, that the “S-400s will be delivered on time,” and they were. The highly mobile and automated S-400, can track 100-300 targets simultaneously, and were effectively used to protect vital areas during Op Sindoor. (Some deliveries have been delayed, thanks to Russia’s war with Ukraine, as this has increased their own internal demand).
The point being made is that, in such an uncertain and hostile environment, critical defence equipment is required as of yesterday. The US has given India much strategic military hardware, but timelines do matter. And, in present times, they matter even more. Not a few years, but of yesterday, and this should also become the new consideration in every future contract.
The Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (Caatsa)
Caatsa mandates sanctions on countries engaging in significant defence transactions with Russia. Such an Act could significantly impact India-US defence ties by conflicting with India’s national security needs and US foreign policy objectives. India’s historic strong ties with Russia, complicate its alignment with the US, particularly when it comes to issues like sanctions and arms purchases. The ongoing S-400 deal remains a major point of contention. While the US has so far avoided imposing sanctions on India, the threat remains a persistent point of friction, influencing both countries’ strategic decisions.
Conclusion
Signing of the Agreement must therefore be seen as a consolidation of achievements over the last decades as well as the formalisation of the defence – industrial roadmap and technological cooperation. The 10-year framework is expected to shape defence cooperation and provide policy direction to the entire spectrum of the India-US defence relationship well into the next decade, guiding joint exercises, technology partnerships, and strategic planning. Both nations are likely to use the agreement as leverage to strengthen trade talks, diversify energy and defence purchases, and deepen their joint presence in the Indo-Pacific.
To quote Lieutenant General Hasnain, “the signing was an act of strategic reassurance. It said, in essence, that both sides still value the partnership even if they differ on the pathway to equilibrium. From an Indian point of view, this is good, mature strategic thinking; it overcomes ego and appropriately pursues national interest.”
The US sees India as a major defence partner and a bulwark against China and hence has worked to develop a deeper partnership with it. India has in recent years added American aircraft, helicopters, and artillery guns into its armed forces. There is no doubt that India remains a critical partner to the US and the agreement signals a mutual desire to reinforce military and technological ties and signals the strategic convergence in this relationship. Defence remains a key deliverable and an area of continuity in Indo-US relations.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Maj Gen VK Singh, VSM was commissioned into The Scinde Horse in Dec 1983. The officer has commanded an Independent Recce Sqn in the desert sector, and has the distinction of being the first Armoured Corps Officer to command an Assam Rifles Battalion in Counter Insurgency Operations in Manipur and Nagaland, as well as the first General Cadre Officer to command a Strategic Forces Brigade. He then commanded 12 Infantry Division (RAPID) in Western Sector. The General is a fourth generation army officer.
Major General Jagatbir Singh was commissioned into 18 Cavalry in December 1981. During his 38 years of service in the Army he has held various command, staff and instructional appointments and served in varied terrains in the country. He has served in a United Nations Peace Keeping Mission as a Military Observer in Iraq and Kuwait. He has been an instructor to Indian Military Academy and the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington. He is a prolific writer in defence & national security and adept at public speaking.
